Professional Insights

There is little doubt about the impact individual Tweets have had on Irish political events. In February 2010 Senator Dan Boyle posted a Tweet expressing a lack of confidence in Fianna Fail Minister Willie O’Dea’s conduct in remarks related to the alleged connection between a brothel and a named Sinn Fein Councillor (there was no such connection). This set in train a sequence of events that led to the resignation of Willie O’Dea as Minister for Defence, Taoiseach Brian Cowen’s first cabinet casualty.

Eight months later Fine Gael TD Simon Coveney Tweeted the now infamous “sounded between drunk and hungover” Tweet in relation to a questionable performance by Taoiseach Brian Cowen on Morning Ireland. What followed was a political firestorm which resulted in coverage of Brian Cowen’s below-par media performance going global within hours. During the final debate of the recent Presidential campaign a Tweet read out on the Frontline programme resulted in presidential frontrunner Sean Gallagher’s public implosion which possibly cost him the presidency.

In light of these events many politicians today have a greater appreciation the of power of Twitter as a communications tool, and this appreciation has grown very rapidly. In October 2010 Murray Consultants conducted research on the activity of Dáil Deputies on Twitter. Our research found that 63 out of 163 TDs (there were three vacant seats at the time of research) had Twitter accounts, representing 39 per cent of the total. Since that research was conducted, a General Election has resulted in an unprecedented shake up of the Irish political landscape. Almost half of the members of the last Dáil are no longer TDs.

So we decided to conduct similar research on the new Dáil – the 31st. The change has been dramatic. While a year ago 39 per cent of TDs had Twitter accounts now 84 per cent (139 of the 166 TDs) have ventured onto the medium.

October 2010’s research found that Fianna Fáil, a party traditionally the most reliant on a community or “grassroots” organisation, was the weakest in relation to the use of Twitter, with just 27 per cent of its TDs having accounts. Conversely the Green Party, the party with the weakest “grassroots” organisation, was the strongest on social media with all six out of its deputies active on Twitter. Thirty-seven per cent of Fine Gael TDs had Twitter accounts while 80 per cent of Labour TDs had Twitter accounts. Only two independent and one Sinn Fein TD had active Twitter accounts.

Of course the Green Party is gone from the Dáil now. Of the major parties today it is Fine Gael (including the Ceann Comhairle) that has the highest percentage of TDs with Twitter accounts (that being 93 per cent), Labour is in second place with 82 per cent, Sinn Fein has 64 per cent, Fianna Fáil has 58 per cent, whilst 89 per cent of Independent/smaller party TDs have Twitter accounts.

The research indicates therefore that all political parties are more engaged with Twitter. However it should be noted that the a lot of Twitter activity centred around last year’s General Election as politicians clamoured to get their message out via Twitter and other media outlets. Some TDs’ Twitter activity has ceased since then but many continue to use Twitter on a regular basis.

In terms of the popularity of TDs on Twitter, 2010’s poll was topped by then Green Party Minister, Eamon Ryan with 2,385 followers (as of October 2010). His Green Party colleague Ciaran Cuffe came second, followed by Fine Gael’s Simon Coveney, Labour’s Joan Burton and Fine Gael’s Lucinda Creighton completing the top five. See 2010 standings below:

2010 Twitter List

Now in early 2012 the top five TDs being followed on Twitter has changed. Taoiseach Enda Kenny is top of the pile with 10,727 followers as of the 1st of February. Socialist Party Leader Joe Higgins (a new entry) is closely behind him with 10,612 followers. Another new entry Independent TD Shane Ross, is in 3rd place with 10,358 followers. Labour Minister for Social Protection Joan Burton is in 4th place with 7,993 followers and is followed by her cabinet colleague Minister Simon Coveney who has 6,732 followers. It’s worth noting that the top 5 Twitter followers table in 2010 featured one member of cabinet and no party leaders compared to this year’s top 5 which features three cabinet members and two party leaders. It is a sign that Twitter is not just confined to the young and less established TDs. See top five table of Followers (2012) below:

Top 5 – Twitter Followers

In addition to compiling a league table of Twitter followers, we have also compiled a table of the number of Tweets each TD has posted as of the 1st of February. Fine Gael TD Alan Farrell tops the table with 8,859 Tweets posted. This is almost twice the number of Tweets posted by Labour’s Ciara Conway who is in second place with 4,547 tweets. She is followed by Fine TDs, Paschal Donohoe, Jerry Buttimer and Labour’s Aodhan O’Riordain are in third, fourth and fifth place respectively.

It is notable that popularity on Twitter doesn’t necessarily equate activity on Twitter. Only Fine Gael’s Paschal Donohoe appears in both top ten lists – covering the number of Tweets posted and the number of Twitter followers. There are also some TDs who Tweet very frequently but who do not command the same number of followers as others who rarely post Tweets and vice versa. One of the most notable of these examples of this is Labour Minister Ruairi Quinn, who despite never having posted a single tweet has accumulated 2,473 followers. See table of top 5 TD Tweeters below:

Top 5 – Tweets

Many TDs who featured in our 2010 research were not returned to the 31st Dáil are still active on Twitter today. 2010’s Twitter poll topper Eamon Ryan has 9,538 followers whilst his party colleague Ciaran Cuffe (ranked 2nd in the Twitter followers in 2010) has 3,964 followers. Other ex-TDs of note with substantial followers include John Gormley, Paul Gogarty, Chris Andrews and Conor Lenihan. See table below of former TDs with active Twitter accounts

Former TDs Twitter Table 01.02.2012

When comparing the Government TDs (we are including the Fine Gael and Labour TDs who have lost their party whips) against the Opposition, 89 per cent of Government TDs have Twitter accounts whilst 71 per cent of Opposition TDs are on Twitter. Both sides score quite well although the research shows that Fianna Fail TDs’ activity on Twitter brings the overall opposition TDs’ percentage down. As for the cabinet, there is quite a high uptake of Ministers on Twitter. Only three cabinet Ministers are not active on Twitter, namely, Michael Noonan, Brendan Howlin and Pat Rabbitte. This is further evidence of that fact that even more senior and ‘seasoned’ politicians are taking Twitter more seriously.

So what have we learned in the past 15 months? More TDs are using Twitter as a means of communication. Whilst not all political-Tweeters post Tweets regularly there are many that do, or at least their constituency secretaries or parliamentary assistants do. The General Election definitely saw an upsurge in political Twitter activity as TDs and candidates clamoured to get their message out by any means necessary. Since then, many TDs have drifted away from their Twitter activity, however many still remain active.

There is no doubt that the 31st Dáil is more engaged and active on Twitter. Many politicians have seen the benefits of using Twitter effectively such as posting links to articles, press releases, news clips and Dáil speeches. As our article on 2010’s research highlighted, the issue is what you say, not where you say it. If you are a politician on Twitter you get the most out of it if you communicate regularly. However banal Tweets about the contents of a TD’s breakfast can somewhat dilute the seriousness of a politician’s overall image. The best way of using Twitter is to set agendas by posting original thoughts and material rather than simply responding to others, remaining active on a daily basis, being positive and being informal. Most importantly, do your own communication, otherwise you will be seen as a fraud.

There are many benefits for politicians who use Twitter to its full potential. They can use it as a mean of reaching out to constituents, members of the media and influential figures in public life, especially during an election campaign. However in light of recent controversies involving Twitter coupled with a growing understanding of the power of Twitter, politicians might be less inclined to post candid opinions and might be more reserved in their Tweets in future.

Indeed the three Twitter-related controversies mentioned at the outset carry valuable lessons for politicians and media alike. Politicians must remember that saying something on Twitter is not the same as saying it to a trusted group of followers. If it is interesting enough (and mentioning the words drunk and/or hungover in the same sentence as a named individual is interesting enough) then it will become national news very quickly. So don’t say it on Twitter if you wouldn’t say it on the national news. The media must see purported facts mentioned on Twitter as interesting but not as fact until they have been verified to the same standard as any tip-off needs to be verified before being repeated.
See full league tables of Twitter Followers and Tweets Posted below:

2012 TD Twitter Followers 01.02.2012

2012 TD Tweets 01.02.2012
Jonathan McDade & Mark Brennock

Brian Lenihan’s final Budget is based on a fiscal approach shared broadly by the members of the next government, but was delivered to the most hostile political audience ever writes Mark Brennock, Director of Public Affairs with Murray Consultants.

Yesterday’s Budget is now very likely to pass with the enactment of the Finance Bill in the first part of 2011. It was aimed at two very distinct audiences, one international and the other domestic. As he stood up in the Dáil yesterday the Minister for Finance Brian Lenihan knew that one of these audiences would approve of a macho, merciless, tough guy performance while the other might applaud a more nuanced and humane act.

The first audience is concerned only with international issues and sees the domestic effect of the Budget as secondary to its concerns. The second audience cares less about the troubles of German banks and the fears of foreign bondholders but is concerned largely with whether and when the domestic economy can recover, business can begin to flourish and citizens can feel under less financial pressure.

The Budget and the international story

This first audience includes the capital markets, stock markets, ratings agencies, possible new foreign investors, EU and Eurozone leaders. No fewer than 15 television satellite broadcast trucks lined up along Merrion Street and Merrion Square yesterday to beam coverage of the event abroad. Not for them discussion of our tax bands, social welfare rates and student services charges. They wanted to know four simple things:

1. Will the Budget pass?
2. Will it be enough to start the stabilisation of Ireland’s finances?
3. Will this therefore take pressure off the Euro?
4. Does a debt default by Ireland or other countries look more or less likely as a result?

This morning the international financial press expresses general relief that the first stage of the Budget did indeed pass. However in relation to points 2, 3 and 4 above, there is little optimism.

According to the Ireland analyst at the Economist Intelligence Unit Megan Greene, writing in this morning’s Financial Times, “Ireland’s Government has avoided immediate disaster”. But she goes on to predict sovereign default, yet further massive bank recapitalisation costs and sharply falling real wages. Ireland should consider leaving the Euro to save itself, she says.

In a statement issued in Washington last night the IMF “welcomes approval of the 2011 Budget by the Irish Parliament”. Had they hired one, an Irish public relations firm might have advised the IMF to refrain from publicly clapping the people’s elected representatives on the back for doing what they were told (by the IMF).

Other media quote foreign analysts warning that the severe fiscal contraction mandated by the EU and IMF will smother economic growth, and that therefore Ireland’s deficit will not reduce. “The Irish situation is pretty drastic,” Charles Dumas, research director at London-based Lombard Street Research Ltd, said in a Bloomberg Television interview. “They won’t get the deficit improvement they’re hoping for because they are hammering the economy.”

Many of the 15 satellite trucks are already on the car ferry. The daily news circus is moving on but international attention will remain on Ireland because of the concern that rather than moving towards recovery, Ireland may first be moving towards some form of debt default.

The Budget and the domestic story

The Irish audience is focused on much more immediate matters. Businesses continue to operate under severe stress, many dealing with debt, a severe fall off in business, higher costs of putting money into their employees’ pockets. Many individuals either fear or have experienced job losses, face massive personal debt and in the case of the average household will lose around €3,000 a year as a result of this budget. This comes in addition to the effect of the past two budgets and of any pay cuts their own employers’ have imposed.

To recap on the big picture numbers, earlier this year it was estimated to cost €50 billion to run the State while tax receipts would be just €31 billion. The yawning gap arose from the cutting over the past decade of reliable income stream for the exchequer such as income tax, their replacement by temporary windfall taxes on transactions, such as stamp duty, and the ramping up of public spending as if this windfall income would keep coming forever. Once these temporary taxes dried up, as they do, the State was exposed to a catastrophic cash shortage. It is this gap, coupled with paying interest on an EU/IMF loan to help repay the c €80 billion bank debts that have been nationalised, which the four-year plan is designed to correct.

The Budget forecasts that its effect will bring the cost of running the State down to €48.4 billion, tax receipts up to €34.9 billion, and the deficit therefore down to €13.4 billion. This represents 9.4% of GDP, opposed to this year’s 11.6%.

Mr Lenihan painted the best possible picture of Ireland’s economic performance yesterday, and bearing in mind the cards he was dealt (largely by his own party in government) he didn’t do too badly. Economic activity in this country has stabilised, he said. GDP had fallen by 7.6% in 2009 but would show a small increase this year. Exports increased by nearly 7% in real terms in the first half of 2010. Output in the manufacturing sector was up 12pc in the third quarter.

We had improved competitiveness over the last two years. Conditions in the labour market were beginning to stabilise, he went on. The Live Register had fallen for the third month in a row, the first time since early 2007. Redundancies in the last three months were over 30pc lower than in the same period last year.

He made it sound even better: “Our underlying budget deficit has stabilised at 11.6pc of GDP. Our tax revenues are ahead of target despite a weak start to the year and our spending has been brought under control. So our actions to stabilise the public finances are making progress. The balance of payments is expected to record a small surplus next year, meaning that the economy as a whole will be paying its way in the world.

“These data taken together paint a picture of an economy that is returning to growth after a deep and prolonged recession. For the period out to 2014, real GDP is forecast by my Department to increase by an average of almost 2.75pc per annum with real GNP growing by an average of just over 2% per annum over the same period.”

Well chosen macro numbers mean little politically

But you can try to do anything with statistics and this morning the Irish public – Irish voters – will be looking at different numbers. And these are the numbers that will reinforce their decision on how to vote when the election comes, almost certainly, in the first quarter of 2011.

All earners are affected by the reduction in tax bands and tax credits by 10% though this disproportionately affects lower earners. Among lower earners, around 85,000 who currently pay no tax will be brought into the tax net next year. Those on Jobseeker’s Allowance aged 22-24 lose €6 per week. The minimum wage goes down by 11.5%, social welfare by 8%, children’s allowances by €10 per child (€20 for the third child).

Higher earners take hits of their own. The PRSI ceiling will be abolished so PRSI will apply to all income, not just to income up to €75,036 as at present. This will take 4% extra off everything earned by an individual over €75,036 in 2011 and beyond. Pension contribution tax relief will steadily be whittled down to 20%; all property tax reliefs are being abolished. In short, it will become harder for high-earners to remove substantial pieces of their income from the tax net.

Other cuts and charges will only be noticed as time passed. The student services charge effectively goes up from €1500 to €2000 per third level student (but the old rate will still apply to a second or subsequent child at third level). Changes that will be portrayed as socially nasty include cuts in carers’ allowance and disability allowance.

Irish politics into 2011 and beyond

So Mr Lenihan’s picture of a rosy future will not wash politically with an Irish electorate which is this morning working out just how much extra financial pain they will have to bear this year as a result of the Budget – and indeed in 2012, 2013 and beyond as a result of for four-year plan. All polls say that the Government faces the greatest defeat any Government has suffered in the history of the State. The Fianna Fail party, which has been the largest party in the State since 1932, will almost certainly be reduced to the status of third largest-party in numerical terms – and national pariah in political terms.

For the domestic audience, this forthcoming election may well be one that recasts Irish politics. The sense from around 2000 to 2007 that Irish people had somehow moved to a permanently higher income and wealth level than their ancestors had begun to have a significant impact on social and political attitudes. The merciless tearing down of that notion will equally have a significant and traumatic impact on Irish social and political attitudes. The next Government (almost certainly of Fine Gael and Labour with a very large majority) will need to respond to that at a time when economic choices are very limited. It is one of those moments in history when an imaginative government can harness a public mood and drive significant political reform. Seeing whether they try or succeed in doing to so will be of great interest to the Irish public.

For the international audience their interest will be narrower. They want to know in particular whether the incoming government will be committed to the austerity path on which the State has set out.

The answer in broad terms is yes. Yesterday’s Budget took €6 billion out of the economy. From the safety of Opposition Fine Gael said yesterday they would have taken out a little less – €5.3 billion – while taking more in later years than this Government plans for. Labour say they would have cut €4.5 billion. In Government, it seems unlikely that in macro terms their plans would differ widely from those currently set out by Mr Lenihan.

Foreign analysts’ prediction of a future debt default continue. What does happen is dependant on a range of factors and the change of government will not bring a substantially different outlook to Ireland’s own handling of its fiscal and banking crises.

What it will do is bring some movement beyond a period of unprecedented public anger towards the government. A new administration can claim to be trying to rectify the national calamity, largely free of the blame for bringing it about in the first place. This may finally allow for real debate on how to approach the future.

Article: Mark Brennock
Research: Jonathan McDade

Simon Coveney tweeted about the standard of Brian Cowen’s interview on Morning Ireland. Dan Boyle tweeted about Willie O’Dea’s difficulties in his final days as Minister. Both tweets had significant consequences.

A considerable number of politicians responded by questioning whether politicians should use Twitter. Experienced users of social media say this is nonsense – it blames the medium, not the message. They say the political storm in each case was created by what was said, not the manner in which it was said. Simon Coveney could just as easily have questioned the Taoiseach’s performance on a radio station, in a press release, or in a remark to a reporter. Dan Boyle could have expressed his dissatisfaction over the Willie O’Dea issue through any of these mediums too.

However the choice of medium did make a difference. Firstly, it gave the politicians in question access to an audience instantly. They did not have to compete with others to get on the airwaves, or have their press release judged by a newsdesk to decide whether it was worth using, or wait until the next issue of the paper was published. If you feel like saying the Taoiseach of the country “sounded half way between drunk and hungover” you can type it, press a button, and off it goes into the public sphere via Twitter. Your followers (Simon Coveney has 1861 at time of writing) can then retweet this in turn to their own followers and within minutes you can have reached an enormous audience.

So the speed of communication through social media gives it the potential to change the nature and style of political communication. You don’t even have to wait until you are beside a computer screen – Simon Coveney says he sent his tweet on the way to work, presumably from a smart phone.

The second phenomenon is that not all users of social media yet appreciate its power. Many still see tweeting as equivalent to sending a text or e mail to your friends. We can’t know Simon Coveney’s mind, but he would certainly have been comfortable making his remark to friends and acquaintances. Would he have said it on national television? Perhaps not. But in fact there is little difference. People in the public sphere need to know that contributing to social media is in effect writing their views on a national public noticeboard. You are not just sharing thoughts with a select group of followers.

At Murray Consultants we have done some work to ascertain how many TDs now use (or at least have a presence on) social media, and Twitter in particular. The numbers we found are higher than have been published elsewhere recently – some TDs use forms of their names that are not immediately recognisable and these may have been missed by others. We may have missed a few ourselves.

According to our survey 63 of the 163 (there are three vacancies) current TDs have Twitter accounts, representing 39% of the total. This is more impressive than it sounds, bearing in mind the fact that social media started out as the domain of early adopters of technology – typically though not exclusively younger people. The average age of Dáil deputies is considerably higher than that of the population – 70% of deputies are over 50 yet roughly four out of ten are on Twitter. Some 49% of the under 50s are on it, with 34% of the over 50s.

A slightly greater number, 72 or 44%, have a Facebook presence. Of course not all of these are very active users of social media. Some of those on Facebook have started an account but do not update it in any meaningful way. On Twitter, there are a good number of silent members – people who have signed up but are not active on the medium.

On Twitter, the more you use it the more followers you tend to get, so it is instructive to look at the top ten Dail Tweeters in terms of followers. It is interesting to note that the Green Party hold first, second, seventh and ninth places out of the top ten on Twitter. Fine Gael hold three of the top ten positions, Labour two and Fianna Fail just one. (See below)

*Figure correct as of October 14th. All other figures taken in late September.

It is notable that Fianna Fail is seen as the party with the strongest community and “grassroots” organisation, and is the weakest in relation to the use of social media.  Conversely the Green Party is the least like the traditional political party grassroots model, and is the strongest on social media. There seems to be an inverse relationship between the extent of a party’s traditional communication with citizens, and its communication with citizens using social media.

It seems that the stronger your local and geographic community ties, the less you engage with social media, and vice versa. Just 27% of Fianna Fail TDs are on Twitter compared to 37% of Fine Gael deputies, 75% of Labour TDs and 100% of Green TDs (See table below).

Looking at Facebook usage party differences are also apparent. Each of the Green Party TDs has a Facebook account. However just 43% of Fianna Fail Deputies have one. Interestingly, while Labour Deputies are enthusiastic about Twitter with 75% on it, just 35% are on Facebook (See table below).

So who are the leading Tweeters?  Well as mentioned, Eamonn Ryan and Ciaran Cuffe of the Green Party lead the way with 2,385 and 1,936 followers respectively. In third place is Fianna Fail’s Chris Andrews of Dublin South East.  He has an impressive 1,834 followers and is quite atypical of his party.  The next Fianna Failer in the list is Tanaiste Mary Coughlan, who with 327 followers is 16^th on the list.

Labour’s highest profile on Twitter belongs to Joan Burton who is followed by 1,744.  Fine Gael’s highest profile person is Simon Coveney with 1,861, whose follower count was boosted recently by the controversy over his Tweet about the Taoiseach’s Morning Ireland performance.

All of them are dwarfed by the follower count of Senator Dan Boyle, which stands at 6,586.  Our survey was of TDs only which means he was excluded.

Not all politician-Tweeters use the medium fully.  Some rarely or never tweet.  Others post messages that look suspiciously like they were written by a parliamentary assistant or constituency secretary, rather than by the politician themselves.

Senator Boyle’s tweets, however, seems to be all his own work.  As a result of his very active and regular engagement he attracts derogatory and sometimes abusive comments from very many people who want to give vent to their anger at the Government in general and the Green Party in particular.  Dan Boyle answers them all, civilly but firmly. His tone and content serve to attract even more of the angry Tweeters, but his account is an example of a politician who is very actively engaging online with a wide variety and large number of people.

So should politicians use social media?  The question is as meaningful as asking should they use a particular typeface in their press releases. The issue isn’t how you say something – what is most important is what you say. If you say something your audience doesn’t like, it makes no difference whether you communicate it by Twitter or by carrier pigeon.

Practical advice for politician-Tweeters

Here are a few tips politicians, and indeed anyone who operates in the public sphere, might consider before venturing into communication by social media.

1. Do your own communication. Twitter or Facebook contributions written by an adviser will almost certainly look phoney or fake.  These media are informal and personal in tone, and unless your contributions read as if they are genuinely your own thoughts, other users will see you as a fraud.
2. Be informal and personal – but be careful. Simon Coveney’s “drunk or hungover” remark appeared genuine, which is good.  However only he knows now whether he regrets it.  It is easy to type a sentence and press the button, sending it irretrievably into the public arena.
3. Be positive. It is easy for others to write cheap-shot critical remarks, and just as easy for you to react to them with anger or bitterness.  This has no consequences for your critics.  However it will get you referred to as an arrogant bitter and “out of touch” politician.  Remain civil even when your detractors do not.  Read Dan Boyle’s Twitter communication history, marvel at and seek to emulate his restraint.
4. Block out a daily slot in your diary for social media. If you choose to engage in social media debate and discussion you must stick at it. Contributing to a discussion then vanishing for weeks does not impress. Giving a 20 minute slot a day gives you good visibility, and also ensures you remain in touch with changing debates and technology.
5. Set agendas. You will find yourself drawn to responding to comments from others, particularly those that denigrate  your own position/party.  Limit your responses and try to start discussions yourself, on your agenda, on your terms.

Below is the full table of TDs on Twitter, ranked by their number of followers.  These figures were correct as of late September.

*Figure correct as of October 14th. All other figures taken in late September.

MCsquared the consumer and brands division of Murray Consultants has launched a new blog.

The MCsquared team will post about brands, campaigns and some funny stuff that has caught their eye.

Click on the link to view: 

http://www.mcsquared.ie/news/

As part of its recent launch, MCsquared, the new look Consumer & Brands division of Murray Consultants, commissioned research* into well known brands, in association with Empathy Research, which resulted in some interesting findings with regards to brand loyalty and media consumption patterns amongst the hyperconnected18-30 year olds.

Nicky Crichton, Director,  MCsquared speaking at the announcement of the research findings said: “The research reveals that brand equity, and brand loyalty are still amongst the most influential factors in purchasing decisions, despite an increased focus on value during the economic downturn. It is promising to note that Irish brands are still well represented in the top twenty list of powerful brands, demonstrating considerable resilience in recessionary times, and a genuine pride in “home-grown” products.”

The research indicates that certain gender stereotypes may be well founded, with females highlighting Cadbury chocolate, Tayto crisps and Ballygowan as must have ‘desert island’ luxuries, whilst males opt for Guinness, Heineken and Brennan’s Bread!

When it comes to ethics, it is clear that the ethical behaviour of a brand continues to have a significant impact on consumer decisions regarding purchase, assuming the price is reasonable. In addition to this, Irish consumers view brand values taking precedence over value for money in certain categories, such as infant food and children’s products, where an underlying trust in the product and its product values are the key differentiators.

Amongst the research findings are the following:

Powerful Brands

• When asked which brand’s communications campaign was most impactful in the last 12 months, the most popular campaigns by brand were identified as Guinness (11%), Apple (9%) and Hibernian Aviva (9%).

• When asked which brands they perceived to be truly powerful brands, the respondents surveyed listed Coca-Cola as the most powerful brand (31%), followed by Cadbury (15%) / Apple (15%) with Nike (6%) in third place.

• Of the top twenty brands seen as ‘powerful brands’ in unprompted questioning, thirteen of these are Irish including Cadbury, Tayto, Ballygowan, Brennan’s Bread, Avonmore, Denny, Barry’s Tea, Guinness, Bulmers, proving that Irish people are still passionate about home-grown brands.

Gender Specific Brand Preferences

• Food and drink brands quoted as being ‘desert island essentials’ amongst a mixed gender target group included Cadbury, Tayto, Coca-Cola, and Kellogg’s.

• However, when females were asked the same question, 32% of respondents claimed that Cadbury chocolate, Tayto crisps, and Ballygowan water topped the list of priorities. Interestingly Guinness, Heineken and Brennan’s Bread were top of the list for male respondents.

• Services quoted as being desert island essentials were phone (35%), internet (31%), and interestingly, ranked in third place was electricity (17%) for males, and hairdressing facilities (11%) for females – good news for hairdressers in recessionary times!

Brand Values

• With regards to ethical purchasing patterns, assuming the price is reasonable, 58% of respondents believed that a product having been produced in Ireland was a deciding factor in whether or not to purchase, 63% believed that the product being produced in ethical working conditions was another key consideration in deciding which brand to choose, and 84% claiming that a ‘brand I know and trust’ is the key consideration in purchasing decisions.

• In relation to value for money versus brand values, in the case of infant products and baby food in particular, 36% of respondents believe that brand values are more important than value for money whereas, with regards to cereal and supermarket brands, 39% and 59% respectively found that value for money was the more important factor.

Information Sources 

• Somewhat unsurprisingly, when asked to rank the information services which were most influential, internet (93%) and TV (81%) led the poll, however 62% of respondents in the 18-30 age bracket felt that their network of friends were as influential if not more so that print media at 61%, proving beyond doubt the power of word of mouth in today’s marketplace.

MCsquared is a full service brand communications agency, with a simple formula – talented people giving powerful brands a clear point of difference, by adding maximum value through cutting edge insights and delivery of great results.

The launch of the new identity marks a successful year for MCsquared  in 2009, having added 3 Mobile, Love Irish Food, Trebor Gum, Lough Rynn Castle, Kilronan Castle Estate and Spa, and Sqeez, to its extensive client portfolio since early 2009. Since the beginning of 2010 the agency has also been appointed to handle all consumer PR for Odlums, Roma and Shamrock Foods brands.

*Research was carried out amongst a group of 1,000 people (63% female / 37% male) within the 18-30 age group across the four regions of Ireland.

ENDS

For further information, log on to www.mcsquared.ie / please contact:

Nicky Crichton

Director

MCsquared         

Latin Hall

Golden Lane

D8

Tel:         + 353 1 4980325

Mob:      + 353 866085454

We are living in the age of the empowered consumer. Never before have consumers had such an ability to research brands and their products throughout the world before they purchase them. Never before have they had the ability to infuence the purchasing decisions of others in such vast numbers. This has been made possible by the proliferation of Internet tools that allow people to easily share their experiences of organisations with each other. These tools include discussion forums, chatrooms, social network websites, rating websites and blogs.

Click here to download the guide